News: Labor
Mobilizations and Counter-Mobilizations in Venezuela’s Oil Union Elections
Caracas, September 15, 2009 (venezuelanalysis.com) - Mobilizations and counter-mobilizations of oil workers aligned with competing factions in the upcoming and bitterly contested elections for the United Federation of Venezuelan Oil Workers (FUTPV), have occurred throughout Venezuela's state-owned oil company PDSVA, in recent weeks.
The election contest has become increasingly heated after comments in July by Venezuela's Oil Minister and PDVSA president, Rafael Ramirez, when he said he would not negotiate a collective contract with "enemies of the revolution."
Ramirez's comments were largely viewed as interference in union affairs and an endorsement of one particular platform in the union elections - the Socialist Worker's Vanguard (VOS or Platform 7), a platform that groups supporters of President Hugo Chavez's Bolivarian revolution. Wills Rangel, currently one of three provisionally appointed national coordinators of the FUTPV, heads VOS.
A second group is Platform 1 headed by Jose Bodas from the United Revolutionary Autonomous Class Current (C-CURA). Paradoxically, C-CURA, which employs a militant far-left discourse but has formed a national union coalition called "Labor Solidarity" with far-right sectors aligned with the largely discredited Confederation of Venezuelan Workers (CTV). The CTV collaborated in the December 2002 - January 2003 bosses lockout of the oil industry in an attempt to topple the democratically elected president, Hugo Chavez.
A third faction is Platform 9, headed by Freddy Alvarez and composed largely of the incumbent provisional leadership of the FUTPV which was hand picked by former Labour Minister Jose Ramon Rivero (himself a leader of the Bolivarian Socialist Workers Force -FSBT), and involves both supporters and opponents of President Hugo Chavez's Bolivarian revolution.
The three major platforms, as well as a number of other smaller platforms have been competing furiously for the hearts and minds of oil workers around the country.
On September 2 Bodas and about 40 supporters rallied in Puerto La Cruz refinery in Anzoátegui to protest delays in the elections. However, several hundred workers supporting the VOS platform counter-mobilized and occupied the refinery gates from 6am.
Then on September 9 Bodas and a small group of supporters confronted a 150 strong VOS campaign event in the same refinery leading to a war of words between the two sides.
On September 11 around two hundred supporters of Platform 9 also held a rally in Anzoátegui protesting the alleged financial support of PDVSA management for the VOS campaign.
In response to the accusations, VOS member Eudis Girot declared he would solicit court action against Platform 9 member Gregorio Rodríguez, saying "This is totally false. We have produced our materials with our own resources," he said.
Raul Parica, also from VOS, explained, "It is no secret that the elections of the federation are highly politicized... We are receiving donations from unions that support us and from the PSUV [Chavez's United Socialist Party of Venezuela], however Platform 9 is receiving funding from a group of private businessmen."
Meanwhile, Rangel accused Platform 1 of receiving support from private television channel Globovision and right-wing opposition parties.
What is at stake, Rangel argued, are two political projects, one represented by VOS, which is socialism and the re-foundation of the union movement, he said, in order to guarantee active participation and meet the demands of the working class. The other option he said is capitalism, crisis and loss of jobs.
Also tied up in the election campaign is an ongoing dispute for a collective contract, which has been in limbo since the previous agreement expired on January 21 of this year.
On September 14, VOS supporters rallied outside PDVSA headquarters in La Campiña, Caracas, demanding that management begin immediate negotiations with 27 delegates elected from workers assemblies around the country.
However, others argue that this is an attempt by VOS and PDVSA management to by-pass the union. The provisional FUTPV leadership has selected its own list of delegates to begin negotiations. However, Platform 1 argues that collective contract negotiations should be held with the newly elected leadership of the FUTPV after the elections.
In the midst of the furore caused by his earlier comments, Ramirez assured that he will begin negotiations with the leadership of the FUTPV after the elections.
The elections have been postponed eight times due to disputes over the union's electoral roll and who is and isn't eligible to vote, and are currently scheduled for October 1.
Bodas has accused VOS and Ramirez of manoeuvring to postpone the elections in order to gain time because they do not have majority support.
However, Rangel denied that the elections had been delayed in order to influence the outcome. "We are aware that PDVSA is red," he said, referring to the distinctive color worn by supporters of President Hugo Chávez. "We are confident that we will be victorious."
On September 7 a group of grassroots oil workers called the Contingency Guardians of Revolutionary Oil Workers who are not contesting the elections, released a statement alleging that opposition sectors of the union movement had been preparing "massive fraud" involving up to 20,000 people "who had no employment relationship with PDVSA and therefore could not be voters."
The delays in the electoral process were caused, the statement continued, because appeals by VOS to revise the electoral roll were rejected several times by the FUTPV electoral commission - headed by Jose Sánchez - until it was proven that there were more than 18,000 voters included on the roll that were ineligible as they were not PDVSA employees, these voters have subsequently been removed.
Despite opposition from C-CURA among others, the FUPTV's electoral commission also agreed, on August 31, to a request by VOS for the elections to be monitored by the National Electoral Commission (CNE) with the use of electronic voting machines and fingerprinting in order to prevent voter fraud.
Bodas described the CNE's monitoring of the elections and the use of electronic voting machines as an "imposition." However, others argued that it was necessary to ensure transparency.
Throughout the campaign VOS has put an emphasis on worker's participation and support for the Bolivarian revolution. Platform 1 on the other hand has concentrated primarily on economic demands and Platform 9 appears to have prioritised criticism of the other platforms.
Although VOS is expected to win the largest number of votes, it is possible that they might not win an outright majority, allowing for the formation of an "anti-VOS" coalition in the national executive of the FUTPV.
Published on Sep 16th 2009 at 2.13pm
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Comments
Trials and tribulations of democracy
As a non-unionized worker in a traditional North American workplace (where participation is formal and generally meaningless) I can only look on with envy at the workplace democracy in PDVSA - even if it is messy and contentious.
Socialism in Venezuela allows for openly competing visions of political ideology, workplace participation and collective bargaining, while such things would, in general, never be tolerated in a mainstream Canadian workplace like a mine, factory, school or hospital. This speaks volumes about the success of socialism in Venezuela in bringing about "real" democracy - democracy in the classical sense, as opposed to the formalized and fossilized democracy we have in North America.
On the other hand, I can see so many problems with the situation at PDVSA described in this excellent article - not the least of which is the reality of trying to run a business on a day-to-day basis in which workers are constantly at each others throats (metaphorically if hopefully nothing else).
"Democracy" can easily be abused in a situation like this to undermine socialism and government policy/planning. Which is why (I think) in both capitalist systems like Canada and socialist systems like Cuba unions end up working together (in some fundamental way) with the established ruling elites.
I suppose this article begs the question (a la Lenin): "What is to be done?"
Ultimately (in a large state owned entity like PDVSA) workers must also be managers in conjunction with the state and must be able to come together (amongst themselves, with the state and party) around common political and economic objectives. Perhaps in the long run the Cuban system (which i have observed first hand) will evolve toward more workplace democracy and participation while the Venezuelan system will have to evolve toward more cohesive workplace ideological and political organization.
The anarcho/syndicalist in me would like to think that large socially owned workplaces like PDVSA can continue to be incubators of vibrant, pluralist democracy but the practical Marxist in me thinks capitalism will always take advantage of such a situation to undermine the whole enterprise.
I'd be interested to know what other socialists think about this...
John Richmond
Toronto
Canada