Planning the detail of the transition and revolution towards a socialist and more just society, from community and worker organisation, to consciousness building, to production and distribution systems, to combating state and judicial corruption and bureaucracy, to agriculture, mining, petroleum, infrastructure, and relationships with other countries, is no small task. The truth is, it has been a hard task writing this analysis. It has required a certain level of restraint to force myself to be selective and pick out only the most salient points of Chavez’s 39 page proposed plan for the 2013-2019 period of the Bolivarian revolution. All of the objectives and strategic points and sub points seemed important, and that in of itself reflects something wonderful, I think. For the millions of us heavily involved in this revolution, we are so drawn in that we care what the agricultural goals are, we’re concerned about methods for reforming the utterly rotten judicial system, we’re watching closely to see how food distribution progresses- even if we aren’t ourselves directly involved. We’re reading the plan (according to AVN 1 million copies have already been distributed) and realising just how much we have to do, because we feel like this is our responsibility too, not just the state’s (or Chavez’s). It’s our project.
This plan, like its predecessor, the First Socialist Plan 2007-2013, will be taken very seriously as a guide, or reference point for where we should be heading and what needs to be done. It will be quoted at meetings, it will be a permanent fixture on office desks, it will be browsed at night. And importantly, first it will be debated. Over the next six months, various fronts, councils, organisations, and movements, will discuss the plan and send in suggestions, as the Great Patriotic Pole- Women’s Council has already done. If Chavez wins the presidential elections, the final version of the plan should be passed by the National Assembly in January next year.
Of course, opposition presidential candidate Henrique Capriles has, as a requirement at the time of registering for the presidential elections, had to submit a plan as well, and I’ll briefly review his at the end of the article. However, to compare the two plans is like comparing a Lego town with a real city, or Mills n Boon “romance” novels to Eduardo Galeano, or origami tigers with the real animal … Capriles’ “plan” is in fact a pretentious collection of advertising slogans. Even a non Spanish speaker, taking a quick glimpse at the two (Chavez’s plan is available here and Capriles’ here) can see who seriously intends to win the October presidential elections, and who has lethargically hired a public relations team to put together a few of the standard election key words used in every single country by those vacant politicians who pretend to care about their electorate, such as “progress”, “quality” and “future” into a rather childish looking power point presentation.
Chavez’s plan, double the length in pages and with about forty times the content, is much more sophisticated and articulate in wording and structure, opens with an introduction and a chapter on the historical context framing the plan, whereas Capriles’ has no kind of introduction at all, and simply leaves out a lot of vital issues such as Venezuela’s relationship with other countries, with Latin America, and the United States. Nor does it mention in any way culture, agriculture, the environment, indigenous rights, racism, sexual diversity, or in fact, laughably, most aspects of the economy.
Hugo Chavez- Second Socialist Plan 2013-2019
Chavez’s proposal is a continuation of the program we’re on now, the National Project Simon Bolivar 2007-2013. Where the current plan set about defining basic concepts and general orientation, and was focused on ethics and morals, the new proposal looks to detail and deepen those concepts and take them out of ideology and experimentation and give them a firm, across the board, across the country, daily and concrete application. In some cases the new plan does that by just aiming to strengthen existing initiatives, such as housing and healthcare, in other cases it aims to have many “more” of something- such as many more communal councils and communes and building more state factories, but it also includes some key qualitative changes, such as the total elimination of the latifundio (large land holders), and the democratisation of, or worker or state participation in all basic needs or key resource related means of production.
It’s an honest, realistic, yet ambitious proposal. I don’t think Chavez has tried to make any false or empty promises. He also talks about socialism, imperialism, and capitalism freely, where as Capriles’ plan is dishonest, and does not refer to any sort of economic system or ideology. Chavez’s plan is also believable because of the extent to which it is based on projects, initiatives, and ideas which are already being implemented, if not universally.
There is no question that the proposal seriously aims to eradicate the old capitalist institutions and market, and replace them with grassroots control and organisation and “alternative” production and distribution methods. The plan also provides a lot of detail into development of the petroleum industry, both in infrastructure terms and political terms (making it more participatory and democratic), and reflects the government’s (sadly) keen interest in mining. I feel however that it under-emphasises some issues (such as women, and LGBIT rights) although the fact that such issues are mentioned (they weren’t in the first plan) is an important reflection of the growth of those movements. Likewise, this plan, unlike the current one, has an environmental section. This sort of new content is suggestive of the slow and gradual deepening of the people’s own consciousness, as basic issues like health and education have become second nature, and the (active) people and the government are starting to look at other more ideologically difficult issues (or less urgent from the perspective of poverty) such as gender, sexuality, institutionalism, land use, confronting the old culture, habits, and discourse, and the environment.
The plan also has a very strong focus on independence – not a new notion to the revolution which names itself after Bolivar of course, but the heavy focus is somewhat new. Independence is the context given in the introduction, and it is understood to be more than a political concept, but rather something that penetrates most aspects of this revolution, such as independent food production, not depending on US or other imperialist countries’ investment, training or technology so that Venezuela can more and more produce, build, and provide services on its own, and in its own way, purely for the benefit of its people.
Finally, it also attempts to address the revolution’s most serious problems, but I feel falls short in this respect. I don’t believe the revolution’s biggest enemies- the failure of the judicial system, corruption, bureaucracy, apathy, and consumerism, can be beaten mostly by consciousness raising workshops and some restructuring, as the plan puts forward.
“This is a program of transition to socialism and of radicalisation of participative and protagnonistic democracy”, reads the introduction. That transition depends on the “restitution of power to the people”. Chavez here recognises that “the socio-economic formation that prevails in Venezuela is of a capitalist and rentier character” and that socialism is barely starting to “implant its own dynamism”. Hence, the next six years must focus on deepening it “step by step”. Popular power also needs to be capable of shaping that new society, and Chavez refers to the need to “completely pulverise the bourgeois state that we inherited, which still reproduces itself through its old and harmful practices and continues to invent new forms of political management”.
“This is a program that aims to go past the point of no return”, Chavez writes. The significance then, of the 7 October presidential election can’t be understated.
The plan is divided into five main sections or objectives, which I’ve summarised and briefly analysed below.
1. Consolidate national independence
In order to achieve full national independence the plan emphasises the need for sovereignty over the country’s national income, mostly obtained through the petroleum industry. This income will be managed by the people indirectly through projects- and there is nothing particularly new about that. The plan also gives a lot of weight to unleashing the country’s agro-productive potential, which is unfortunately the only key way it seeks to diversify the economy away from petroleum, apart from encouraging small and alternative type business, and smaller industries such as tourism.
The plan in summary…
This aspect of the plan includes strategic objectives such as communicational hegemony, “so that in Venezuela all voices are heard”, maintaining state control of the oil sector, consolidating a state company for exploitation of mineral resources, deepening political and social content of the petroleum industry, and entities for petroleum and mining workers’ and people’s awareness and political participation.
Specifically, the plan argues that petroleum policy must be national, so that it can benefit the whole nation, yet also be “popular” (involving the people), and revolutionary. Revolutionary, meaning how petroleum income is obtained, by who, and how it’s distributed. The government will continue to distribute it and the people will manage the income through its destination to projects run by communal councils and other grassroots organisations. Likewise with mining.
The plan also stresses the importance of the China-Venezuela fund and energy cooperation agreements, including PetroCaribe- exchanging petroleum for financing or for goods and services necessary for the development of the country such as agricultural machinery, electricity plants, doctors, etc. ALBA should be strengthened, and the plan also proposes designing “new and effective” mechanisms for the people’s participation in petroleum income such as through investment and saving.
Agriculture and food sovereignty is seen as a vital part of real independence. A key aim is to “definitely eliminate the latifundio (large landholders)”. The plan says that 2% of the land should be used for agriculture without many limits, 4% for a wide range of agricultural use, 14% for a limited number of foods or forest growth, 30% for the most resistant cultivations, and the rest of the territory for natural cover such as forests, water production and biodiversity. It concludes that there is “sufficient land to cover our food production needs and environmental services when used rationally”. Land zoning will be carried out according to land use, and surface allocated to short cycle vegetables (with an aim of 50% overall increase). The government wants to increase low irrigation agriculture by 200%, and the plan then details a range of other similar aims. The rational and sustainable use of agricultural resources (water, seeds, land) will be promoted. There’s an aim to provide 110,000 collectively owned tractors, the creation of various production and agricultural projects in specific regions, creation and consolidation of distribution networks, creation of export companies with countries like China, Russia, and Iran.
An aim of 50% of agricultural production should be based on alternative production models such as family, urban, semi urban agriculture, indigenous agriculture, sustainable models of production. Also, increasing grassroots organisation and involvement in agricultural decisions and education.
In terms of defence, the plan outlines an increase of military activity on the borders, an increase in the people’s participation in national defence, consolidation of civic-military union, and strengthening of the National Bolivarian Militia.
2. Construct 21st century Bolivarian socialism
Here we see the very real intention to transfer power to the people and away from the old institutions and big business- probably the most genuine antidote to the problem of bureaucracy. However, as we’re already experiencing, there’ll be resistance to this power transfer- by the mayors who lose their power, by the civil servants who often still don’t understand what it means to serve the people and what people power is, and of course by anyone else with economic or political power. The plan doesn’t address such resistance, beyond, as I mentioned, consciousness workshop programs. Strategies for creating a broader, bigger leadership, a strong cadre layer, unfortunately aren’t included, but the plan to consolidate a system of articulation between grassroots organisations so that they transcend local action is a much needed and an important initiative.
In some instances, this section of the plan leans towards reformism, where it fails to see the problems of the old structures and believes that imposing some values will be enough to improve them. Regarding education, for example, the plan mentions increasing enrolment, building new schools, introducing or improving certain curriculum content- such as the people’s and indigenous history of Venezuela, and strengthening research into the educative process, but no structural or methodology changes. The education system in Venezuela has hardly changed over the last 12 years. The achievement of literacy and enrolment of the poorest sectors is important, but the teaching methods are still traditional authoritarian, competitive ones, and while some schools have become more involved in their community life, many are still merely producers of obedient workers and a source of income for the teachers. More radical change than what has been proposed is needed.
Similar structural change, or the elimination of the old and construction of the new right from the start is also needed in the hospitals, police, and army- which is happening to a limited extent with the health missions and the new national police. Likewise, the plan refers to a “deep and definitive revolution” for the ridiculously inefficient, corrupt, and anti-poor justice system, but its proposals involve building more infrastructure, more courts, and workshops for the lawyers. Unfortunately, few lawyers who have been corrupt and selfish for the last twenty years will change that easily.
Lastly, it’s worth pointing out an interesting and quite large emphasis on sports, recreation, and nutrition, with recreation seen as key to preventing the “culture of excess and destruction generated by capitalism” and community sports seen as both ways of combating alienation as well as improving the health of what has become a fairly overweight population.
The plan in summary…
This section of the plan includes reaching “supreme social happiness of the people” and satisfying basic needs, changing the economic system towards a socialist productive model, society that is more equal and fair, promotion of a new “moral, ethical and spiritual hegemony” (consciousness and values), consolidating and expanding the missions and popular (grassroots) power and self governance.
“The development of social property of basic and strategic means of production that allows Venezuelan families and citizens to have full enjoyment of their economic, social, political, and cultural rights” is argued for.
The government will promote new ways of organising production so that the means of production is at the service of society, the plan says. It will democratise the means of production, strengthen centralised planning, create a system of industrial parks to strengthen productive chains, create a work culture that opposes the old and current rentier culture through education, aims to involve workers as “active subjects” and for democratic work place participation, new management models in the productive units, stimulation of social responsibility in small and medium sized business, and strengthen the direct distribution system to attack capitalist speculation.
In terms of social justice, the plan is to advance so far in human rights and conditions that it “makes it impossible to return to poverty”. “This new phase- continuing the construction of a just and egalitarian society- requires the development of a system of prevention, protection, and social security…with a new political quality”. This involves the construction of socialist work relations, continuing to promote “new relationships between the people with nature, the state, society, the work place and thought”, guaranteeing physical, cognitive, and moral development at work and healthy work conditions (liberating work), increasing production and distribution of books and magazines by 200%, increasing cultural infrastructure, including one “reading room” per municipality (336 in total), increasing cultural community organisations, social security for cultural workers such as artists and musicians, improve housing and infrastructure for indigenous peoples and accelerate the demarcation of their spaces through handing over of property titles, increase presence of social missions in their spaces while respecting their culture and traditions.
Deepen gender equality and women’s participation, involve youth in recreation programs which promote socialist values and strengthen the organisation of youth through the construction of 3,000 youth councils, incorporate organisations in the social transformation of prisoners, improve prison infrastructure and fight impunity in the legal system, mass involvement in community and environmentally friendly sport including an aim of reducing “sedentary-ness” by 50%, consolidate the 4,500 free food houses as centres of education and nutritional attention as well, consolidate the network of grassroots pharmacies, develop the Communal Economic System with various social-productive organisation forms such as social propriety, family units, groups of solidarity exchange etc, develop coordination between the communal councils and the workers’ councils.
In terms of grassroots organisation and participation, the plan is to accelerate the promotion of the people’s participation in and formation of the communal councils, social battle rooms, socialist communes, commune cities, commune federations and confederations, including the aim of creating 3,000 socialist communes to group 39,000 communal councils. The plan refers to a transference of competency and management from the institutions to such organisations and consolidating a system of articulation between the grassroots organisations so that they transcend local action, promoting new committees in the communal councils such as for older people and for vulnerable people, sport committees, and creating community based learning spaces.
“Promote and consolidate a productive, redistributive, post-rentier, post-capitalist economy based on broad public, social, collective support of ownership of the means of production. The possibility of social planning in authentic synchrony with centralised planning and development of diverse forms of socio-productive organisation sustained in a variety of property types…including social property, indirect property, family property, and groups of solidarity based exchange.” The plan promotes the creation of socially owned companies, with an aim of 30,000, and another aim of establishing 3,000 commune banks to “consolidate the new financial architecture of popular power”,
Further, in terms of crime, combating corruption and bureaucracy, and more on participation, the plan aims to reform the penitentiary system with a focus on rehabilitation, continue promoting social auditing, establish a permanent system of communication to “listen to the organised people and the depoliticised people for the…collective construction of the socialist state, according to the principle of “order by obeying”, establish procedures in which the people can intervene in the management by public servants. Plan and transfer responsibilities over to the communes, communal councils, technical committees, movements, workers’ councils etc, enforce a “revolutionary culture” in the public service, enforce the idea that public servants are there to serve the people, create an education (formation, consciousness) cadre school for state institution workers, streamline the bureaucratic process and all the paperwork and proceedings required in state institutions through unifying of criteria and technology, and getting rid of all unnecessary requirements.
To address the “racist and classist character… and impunity” in the justice system – increase number of courts, improve current infrastructure and develop new “physical spaces for new courts”, promote cohesion of all judicial instruments (such as laws) in the justice system, training and consciousness education for judges and public lawyers to develop a “culture of responsibility in the administration of justice”, consolidate community based “integral prevention plans” especially targeted at youth in vulnerable sectors, national level activation of communal police service, develop a working plan to achieve arms and disarmament control, finish off the process of re-founding the investigation body, the CICPC, strengthen public security bodies with better equipment and communication technology, promote alternative mechanisms of conflict resolution through the installation of Houses of Penal Justice in prioritised municipalities, and communal centres of conflict resolution, expand the new police university to seven more states. Strengthen the use of media to increase knowledge and as “an instrument for consciousness training in the transition to socialism” and as spaces for grassroots articulation.
3. Make Venezuela a social, economic and political power within Latin America and the Caribbean.
Here we see a huge emphasis on industrialisation, acquiring industry and technology independence, and on productivity. Yet there are some fairly significant contradictions. The aim of doubling petroleum production makes sense in terms of funding social and grassroots projects, yet contradicts the aim of becoming less reliant on petroleum. Aiming to increase (synthetic) fertiliser production contradicts the aim of going over to alternative, environmentally friendly agriculture. Likewise, the aim to increase car manufacturing conflcits with wanting to decrease car dependence.
As in the last section, a deeper transformation of the military is needed than just training and increased resources. Possibly one of the most significant changes that is already taking place is the way the military is now, often, at the service of the people rather than repressing them, with the military in my community coming to our communal council meetings and helping us with whatever we ask for. It’s surprising that strengthening such relationships isn’t mentioned in the plan.
The plan in summary…
Here the government plans to develop economic national power, taking advantage of the potential offered by Venezuela’s resources, deepen the new Bolivarian military doctrine, continue playing a protagonistic role in the process of constructing Latin American and the Caribbean unity, and particularly push ALBA, Petrocaribe, UNASUR, CELAC and so on.
The plan frames the following by stating that it’s important to understand that political power derives from making participative democracy real, and such economic power is perceived as the national wealth being at the service of the people.
Energy and mining: develop hydrocarbon capacity through “rational exploitation” and a policy of conservation of a natural exhaustible and non-renewable resource with an aim of 6 million barrels per day by 2019 (roughly double what it is now). Infrastructure construction such as refineries, increased storage capacity on the Orinoco Oil Belt. Build 5 more thermoelectric plants, develop the potential of Venezuela’s sea gas belt and look for new gas reserves, increase or improve transportation and distribution networks of gas and petrol, strengthen and expand the petro-chemical industry. Increase production of nitrogen and phosphate fertilisers by 43% to convert Venezuela into a fertilizer exporter, increase production of plastic resins, and the chemical sector, continue developing more Petrocasa factories (aim of 10 new plants and 50,000 houses per year), create the training school Socialist Petroleum Technical School, create a research institute which looks at the minerals that come of crude processing, synchronise petrol production with demand. Diversify electricity generation, favouring the use of wind, natural gas and coke and finish hydroelectric plant projects, details for improving electricity generation and efficiency of generation including various plants and substations and technical detail. Increase mineral reserves (various minerals and locations specified, including gold and diamond mining- the plan argues that they are for international reserves). Most of this is being done, and planned to be done through a combination of “social property” companies and mixed companies. Develop mining technology that “decreases the environmental impact and amount of residual material.
The government wants to expand the forestry industry at all levels of the productive chain, especially for furniture, housing, paper and other industrial supplies. Industrialise the construction sector. Modernise and increase capacity for production of packaging. Focus on technological development and transfer, and also constructing productivity plans and networks based on resource location and their rational and efficient usage. Continue to change how such large industries work with worker training to adopt techniques and technologies that are most efficient and humanising. Generate mechanisms of capital circulation such as financing sources, that “confront the logic of capital”. Maintain and increase public buying systems such as conglomerates, small and medium companies, communal companies. The plan lists specific projects to be strengthened, financed, modernised, or created , such as projects for processing of steel, aluminium, auto sector, white goods, construction materials, plastics, personal hygiene, agro-industry, mobile phones, machinery, forestry, and textiles and shoes, with the aim that in all these industries Venezuela is or will be “sovereign”. Strengthen tourism and Venezuela’s international tourism position, aiming to triple the number of visitors to the country.
Military defence: “Our country promotes peaceful cooperation between nations, pushes for Latin American and Caribbean integration and the principle of self determination…and is against intervention in internal issues of each country, hence our military power is clearly defensive and deterring, it doesn’t threaten anyone nor have invasive intentions.” In that sense the plan aims to strengthen Venezuelan military industry, develop own technology, and improving training.
New national geopolitical structure: deepen national integration and social equity across the different zones of Venezuela, road development to better integrate regions of the country and also productive areas and improve rural roads, improve oil belt infrastructure for populations living there, incorporate the recognition of people’s culture into processes of planning, continue building aqueducts and other infrastructure in order to guarantee water supply. Create motor districts of development with priorities varying according to the region: Aragua and Carabobo states for example will focus on vehicle assembly, and a structural solution to the growth of Tacarigua Lake, others to develop socialist cities, or tourist agriculture and so on. Promote zones concentrating on agriculture in order to guarantee national food security. Create a state transport company to improve public transport service and decrease car dependence and high fuel consumption. Complete northern railways and start on southern ones. Plan development of cities and rural areas through grassroots protagonism and the housing mission. Implement compact cities, with lower buildings and high density. Build 2,650,000 new houses or housing units and improve 1,000,000. Improve a range of urban services such as water and electricity and phone and internet distribution. Housing construction to be built in light of production in the area and also with low environmental impact productive spaces within housing areas.
4. Contribute to the development of a new geopolitical international for a “multi-centre” world to guarantee world peace.
With the recent coup in Paraguay and continued aggression in all forms- economic, media, political – by the right wing in the Americas, and with Venezuela continuing to play a leading role in uniting an America that is free of imperialist influence and power, this section is clearly very important, and it’s encouraging to see that Chavez has no intention of backing down here.
The section is however less concrete than other sections because implementation of many of these aims depends on multiple countries, and therefore the details can not to be decided by Venezuela alone.
The plan in summary…
Continue the path to a pluri-polar world without imperial domination, continue undoing neo-colonial domination, consolidating national and Latin American (“Our America”) identity, eliminating or reducing economic and technological relations with such “imperialist centres of domination” to non vital levels, for more equality in the world.
Chavez hopes to strengthen ALBA as a “vital space of political relations for the Bolivarian revolution” and promote its vanguard role in the process of changes in Latin America, such as through UNASUR and CELAC (and consolidate those as well). Construct an ALBA economic zone, strengthen the sucre currency and ALBA bank, strengthen Petrocaribe as an energy cooperation scheme and social solidarity. Deepen the policy of political dialogue and productive links with Colombia, cooperation with allies as a way of driving a socialist social-productive model. Strengthen Telesur, expand the signal of Radio del Sur and strengthen alternative communication networks. Increase the presence of content related to heterogeneity and ethnic diversity of Venezuela and “Our America” in school curriculum, media and national and international events. Defend the presence of ethnic minorities and original peoples in Our America decision making bodies. Establish an alliance with the group BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) to group emerging powers as consolidation of pluripolar world and provide greater voice for the “south”. Build closer relationships with countries of Asia and Africa through mechanisms of economic integration, take a more leading role in the MNOAL, more south-south collaboration though ASA and ASPA, expand the reach of Telesur and Radio del Sur by offering other languages, and also establish alliances with media of emerging global “polls” (countries).
Promote social movement and organised peoples’ participation in international forums, continue to promote the transformation of human rights systems such as the IACHR which is “highly politicised by US imperialism”. Separate Venezuela from imperialist mechanisms of international domination, denouncing multilateral treaties that limit national sovereignty, establishing alliances to neutralise their actions. Eliminate the participation of international financial institutions in national development projects, reduce economic and technological relations with “centres of imperial domination” to levels that don’t compromise national independence, and eliminate it altogether in the strategic sectors.
5. Preserve life on the planet and save the human species.
The plan correctly identifies the environment as a global issue, and lays a lot of the responsibility on “first world” countries. It’s a position that most governments are too cowardly and disinterested to take on, limiting themselves instead to a few token and short term measures, if any.
However, while Venezuela’s contribution to global environmental problems may be relatively less, it’s still important that the country improve the situation in its own backyard as well, yet this is barely referred to in this section. This is an area where awareness raising workshops could be very beneficial, as environmental consciousness is very low in Venezuela. Lifting or reducing petrol subsidies (at least for private vehicles), taking measures to replace the dominance of plastic bags, penalties for companies which contaminate or commit other environmental crimes, constructing recycling plants, making bull fighting illegal, and other measures should have been included here, but haven’t.
The plan in summary…
This final section relates to the need to construct an economic model of production that is “eco-socialist”, based on a “harmonic relationship between man and nature that guarantees the rational and optimum use…of natural resources, respecting nature’s processes and cycles”, and speaks of impelling a world movement to contain the causes of climate change.
Specifically, that means promoting a new social-productive ethic and promoting alternative productive models and schemes of economic cooperation for fair world trade under principles of solidarity and cooperation. Also, promote actions to protect water reserves, biodiversity, and sustainable management of lakes, seas, and forests. Maintain leadership in international and regional organisations regarding the issue, fighting international schemes that promote the commercialisation of nature. Continue the struggle for preservation, respect, and strengthening of the climate regime as laid out in the Kyoto Protocol. Dismantle the carbon schemes in the international market which legitimise the buying of the right to contaminate. Design a national plan which covers the productive sectors that emit green house gases and promote their transformation.
Protect Venezuela’s cultural and historic patrimony: institutions produce criticisms of dominant historical and cultural constructions in media etc, produce school texts on the topic, produce spaces of debate and registries of popular cultures and historical memories of social groups and subordinated ethnicities, organise working groups in communal councils to register historical memories and spread popular culture content.
Henrique Capriles Radonski – Government Program
Reading Capriles “plan” I literally laughed out loud a number of times. It is such a wishy-washy confusion of cliché catchphrases and empty niceties repeated three different ways in huge font in order to fill up space, that it’s hard to take it at all seriously.
Like advertising, the plan tries to appeal to the lowest common denominator by saying as little as possible, meaning it has almost no concrete proposals at all. ‘There is a way’, Capriles’ campaign slogan is none too clear on what that way is, where it is going, or how to get there, and his plan is the same.
In content, it reflects the contradiction between trying to garner the levels of support that Chavez has by imitating him, pretending to care about the poor majority and supporting many of the current government’s initiatives, and at the same time trying to present Capriles as an alternative to Chavez. It is a hodgepodge of sprinklings of Bolivarian revolutionary discourse like “integral” and “inclusion”, with “with the support of private companies” tacked on to the end of many statements. Its content reveals the dilemma bourgeois politicians always face between actually representing the wealth business class, but pretending to represent “all” of the country in order to get votes. There are no references at all – as it would be politically inconvenient- to the origins of poverty and exclusion, but rather the plan promotes “business” as something that should be “accessible” to everyone.
Hence the plan is basically, an 18 page sham. It is to be taken about as seriously as Monsanto starting on its homepage that “If there were one word to explain what Monsanto is about, it would have to be farmers. It is our purpose to help them meet the needs of a growing population…”, or the US government’s “no child left behind” education policy, which rings some bells when looking at Capriles’ front cover slogan: “no one left behind”.
Nevertheless, it’s worth quickly going over some of the plan’s content, in order to get a sense of what angle the opposition is taking in its campaign to win the upcoming presidential elections.
The plan has 9 themes: maternal-infant care, housing and its environment, training and development, employment and entrepreneurship, health and social security, citizenry, tranquillity, justice, and social protection.
For maternity care, the two strategic lines are basically the same thing rephrased: “Guarantee optimal conditions of development in the first stage of life…” and “access to high quality maternal-infant care”. Objectives include: decrease mortality rates, increase quality coverage of maternal care during women’s pregnancy, detect pregnancy earlier, guarantee that the whole population has access to a balanced diet, recognise the bonds associated with breastfeeding, assure that all pregnant woman have the tools to care for the child and access to a network of assistance, and adequate family and social environment. As with the rest of the plan, it’s not stated how such things could or should be achieved, apart from increasing funds assigned to the area and “agreements with the private sector and with education institutions”.
The housing section is fairly predictable, with aims to improve access to housing, improve public transport and strengthen risk management, and the training section refers to things like “inclusion” and “solidarity” with the word “quality” especially repeated over and over, but of course not defined. Likewise, under health, Capriles supposedly plans to “improve” public hospitals, but he doesn’t say what he’ll do with the Barrio Adentro program.
And again, under “tranquillity”, or crime, he talks about emphasising prevention and attacking causes, without specifying what those causes might be, though in terms of prevention he does talk about the recovery of public spaces and “social programs” to prevent family based and gender violence, teenage pregnancy, and drug consumption.
For the economy, Capriles argues that “trust” is the “fundamental tool to consolidate a creative economy of wealth and social equity”. He supports a strong public and strong private sector, where the public sector “promotes and orients private initiative”, “immediately ending expropriations and negotiating with those who have been affected”, and he concludes this section with the objective of transitioning “from a model of sharing out the wealth to one of creating wealth”, presumably referring to going from an economy based on sharing out petrol income to sectors and areas where it’s needed, to one based on a lot of big, medium, and small businesses.
The no content strategy behind Capriles’ plan and his electoral campaign will only work on a minority of Venezuela’s population. Perhaps a third to a half of the Venezuelan public, though it may not have an in depth Marxist materialist understanding of things, has reached a level of political discussion which demands a good amount of analysis, and in which sloganeering isn’t good enough. For a minority though, it is good enough, with many people insisting that the mere fact of having the same president for thirteen years means that “change” is needed, though most can’t articulate what kind of change they mean.
What Capriles’ plan does do, is provide a dodgy type of documental backing for Venezuela’s private and opposition supporting media to be able to publish headlines like these: “Capriles will dramatically increase the number of high schools and primary schools”, “Capriles will provide quality housing” and “Capriles’ program includes popular welfare”.
At the same time, this media has gone around distorting Chavez’s plan and making things up that simply aren’t in it, claiming for example that it “contemplates the implantation of the militias across the country in order to basically militarise the members of the PSUV and give them arms, to then plant fear in the citizenry”. It goes to show that debating the Second Socialist Plan 2013-2019 has a second purpose; apart from grassroots participation in its final version, such debate will hopefully help raise awareness of its content and help Chavez to secure a victory in October.