Mincing the Political Actors of Venezuelan Reality

Let’s start with the counterrevolutionary sepoys – with the political representation of transnational capital’s interests and of the national bourgeoisie (our never too well-off, parasitic and dependent, historically dominant class).


Our “stubborn and Caribbean” reality forces us to socialize lessons learnt about the political figures and make-up of those who operate from, and on, our national politics. Our “investigative” efforts include an exhaustive dissection of the Venezuelan counterrevolution, an issue that well deserves the wise advice of archeologists and anthropologists who – thanks to god and to the sciences – venture into the forensic.

Let’s start there, with the counterrevolutionary sepoys – with the political representation of transnational capital’s interests and of the national bourgeoisie (our never too well-off, parasitic and dependent, historically dominant class).

The well promoted MUD (Democratic Unity Roundtable) is a trial run hybrid-of-interests (and frustrations) that merit both psycho-social studies and university theses. Their political impotence (which in this case is associated to the sexual dysfunction that affects an important number of men) is intertwined with old appetites, with antiquated vices and with royal customs.

But before all that, a pause, a brief parenthesis: The dirty laundry at home. Our old Left, the left that considers itself worthy of praise and of ideas never once applied but “patented” nonetheless by this Left. This is a sad and painful exercise, a “catharsis” of sorts, or what is sometimes called “analytical introspection,” but unfortunately, it is still alive and well.

All it takes is a glance at the PPT (Homeland for All Party) and the sad spectacle of many dear, heroic and consequential comrades who allowed themselves to be swept up by the “anti-Chávez tide.” This isn’t a problem of men, or of last names.    

Painful is today seeing these comrades sharing a table, a language, and a discourse with those who detained and tortured, who applied cattle prods and asphyxia, who assassinated comrades, who have always repressed us…

Brothers, ego and the need for personal recognition can’t be allowed to take us that far off track…truly sad.

The mistake of the old Left is that they still don’t recognize the leadership of Comandante Chávez and his “osmosis” with the People, the Poor – here in Venezuela we’ve had enough “chiefs” – and even worse, this old Left roams around looking for stars and laurels.

Let’s get to the main depth of our concern: It costs dearly to get to a certain ideological crux in the taxed habits of opinion that are repeatedly reproduced by the cycling of Globovisión-El Universal-ElNazional. There aren’t any ideas – much less a national project – since our incapable and ignorant lackey fraction of a bourgeoisie doesn’t know to which “Saint” to run to in these long hours of despair. Or maybe it does know, but its Imperial Vatican, that is to say, the Yankee State Department, Wall Street, the House of Nariño, and all its other centers of devotion find themselves complicated in their own existential labyrinths. As such, we can’t ask Ramos Allup to translate the “cablegates” into our localized native vocabulary – the guy doesn’t understand the world outside of the one-piece skirt worn by Blanca Ibañez.

In the case of the copeyanos (COPEI – Social Christian Party of Venezuela) it’s even worse. They found, in the “brilliant” José Maria Aznar, the “popular” solution to their disconnection from reality. The rest is explained by the stupidity of Aznar, the pedophilic scandals of Opus Dei, and the mafia-linked transactions of the Bank of the Vatican.

“The repressed” (not by the security forces of the state – no, it’s a problem of closets) Baltazar Porras can ask for help from the Yankees to get rid of Chávez, and at the same time our hierarchy of the Catholic Church is incapable of feeling the pains of our People, brushing off with indifference the tragedies being lived these days by millions of Venezuelan men and women.

Just the same, the pulpit serves as the fascist platform of Leopoldo López – who at the same time turns off the radio so as to not inform himself. He’s not even capable of sheltering in his chest the Poor People, flooded with sadness.

Let’s hold it there. The bets rise… López vs. Ratonski, Ratonski vs. López…the rest want, but can’t…(watch it…“desires don’t impregnate” Ledezma, Pérez Vivas)…right around there lies the Imperial line. The little son of the ex manager of PDVSA (which just so happens to have financed his incursion into politics) and the neo-Nazi of Hebrew descent (in the past we would have called this an enormous contradiction, but after Lebanon and Gaza, in the end: they are “twins”).

It’s enough to just do an analysis of discourses, or of the images that the private, counterrevolutionary means of communication repeat daily: Leopoldo “walking through communities,” the bearded Ratonski “looking into the infinite”…

“New faces – old formulas.”

How do we address and unmask the counterrevolution? Its produced leadership, its discursive offensive, the potential of its images and the want behind its discourse and project? Both of the aforementioned are just “rompers” – a couple of fascist cowards (counterrevolutionary to the bone) who in an open Revolution would at the very least face the wall of a firing squad.

Pay attention though, because if they (the counterrevolutionary opposition) end up winning, those who will without a doubt end up in the “courtyard of the quiet” – with or without formal democracy – will be all of us…  

But honestly, they are little figurines armed by marketing experts, experts who have placed them in the hard drive – they are the strategic chips of the Empire.

What are we going to do? Wait to defeat them in the clean and transparent presidential elections of 2012? Or actually get ourselves mobilized to disarticulate the counterrevolution before it begins its march? It seems like sometimes we swallow with a somewhat Anglo-Saxon seriousness the subject of formalities, and as a result representative democracy and its legal-electoral space become the “impartial” grounds where battles elucidate. There is a sort of reformist continuity in our way of thinking that is truly “moronic.”

Fascists like López and Ratonski must be confronted even under the bed. Without truces, without piety, reminding ourselves that “executioners don’t request clemency” – but let’s focus the bulk of our artillery on “the queen of all battles,” against what these coxcombs represent. In the battle of ideas, but also in organization and mobilization, we will defeat them. On to unmasking these little privileged ones, these aspiring dictators, before it’s too late.   

In the midst of our radical bout against the “five mills,” here in the deep rearguard, we can not lower the intensity of combat on the “frontline,” in the unwavering struggle against Empire and the counterrevolution. On the contrary, it is essential that we elevate the forcefulness, reinforce our first line of defense and destroy the enemy lines before they fix their positions and launch their assault.

The democratic radicalism of the Bolivarian Revolution requires a permanent initiative. On to deepening Socialist People’s Power, on to taking by assault the columns which remain in the hands of the counterrevolution, to question and demolish the pillars of the old oligarchic-bourgeois state, pillars that sustain the counterrevolution (corruption of judicial authorities, the police, the coexistence between functionaries that don’t take on class struggle with the cruelty required, that coexist in “neutral spaces” for up to 18 years alongside the enemies).     

On to advancing, without compromise, the consolidation of constituent power.

Like all wars (that is, social and national) there should be vanguard spaces of construction and of confrontation with the enemy. We as “Current” can contribute to the recuperation of Táchira and to the advance over Zulia from the South of the Lake – we commit ourselves to it, and we invite the socialists, the revolutionaries, to join forces and efforts to liberate these territories. Our priority objectives will never be public offices; No, they will instead be the eviction of the counterrevolution, of paramilitary-ism, and the advance and consolidation of new Power: Socialist People’s Power.  

We have strategy and tactics, leadership, as well as an enormous moral and combative will. We are going after them…hopefully we are able to combine forces and unite, in a huge gale that pours revolution out into the last corner of our Venezuelan and Bolivarian homeland. In any event, the invitation is open, and its only owner is the Venezuelan People, the Poor – there in the battles we’ll find each other…


Bolívar and Zamora Revolutionary Current

Translated by Venezuelanalysis.com